PRESIDENT Aquino’s speech at the Dec. 13 Administration Coalition Caucus held at the EDSA Shangri-la Hotel, Mandaluyong City.
Magandang tanghali po—maupo ho tayong lahat—lalo na sa 188 nating kaibigan, at saka doon sa mga humahabol pa.
Maraming salamat sa inyo.
Speaker Sonny Belmonte; Executive Secretary Jojo Ochoa; Secretary Mar Roxas; Secretary Butch Abad, who we will leave behind [laughter and applause]—Just to make sure that … he promised me … Butch, ano na nga ba ang mga releases natin today, ‘yung expenditure? Ninety-two percent. I want to make sure his report to me is correct, that 92 percent of what you authorized us to spend has already been disbursed. And, if that is not correct, please call me up later. [Laughter]—Deputy Speaker Noli Fuentebella; Deputy Speaker Raul Daza; Deputy Speaker Beng Climaco; Deputy Speaker Erin Tañada; Majority Leader Boyet Gonzales; Jun Abaya, representing our party, the Liberal Party; Uncle Henry, representing the Nationalist People’s Coalition; Representative Budoy Madrona for the NP; representatives Tony Alvarez and Pidi Barsaga for the NUP; siyempre, party list natin si Bem Noel; Junjun Tupas, the man of the hour; the Justice Committee; other honorable members of the House; fellow workers in government; honored guests; ladies and gentlemen:
Nang hinikayat ako ng taumbayan na tumakbo para sa pagkapangulo, alam ko naman pong marami akong mamanahing problema. Mulat din po ako na kaakibat ng pagtanggap ng hamon, ay ang responsibilidad na solusyonan ang mga problemang minana ko po.
Isa sa ating ipinangako sa taumbayan ay isang sistemang pangkatarungan kung saan ang gawaing masama ay may kaukulang kabayaran. Simula pa lamang po, inasahan na sa akin ng taumbayan ang paglalatag ng proseso upang pasagutin si Ginang Arroyo sa mga katiwaliang lumaganap diumano sa ilalim ng kanyang administrasyon.
Marangal at maayos po nating sinubok na isulong ang prosesong ito sa pamamagitan ng Truth Commission, ngunit unang hakbang pa lamang natin, hinarang na agad ng Korte Suprema sa ilalim ng Punong Mahistradong si Renato Corona. Hindi po kami sang-ayon, pero pinilit po naming sundin ang kanilang desisyon, bilang paggalang sa institusyon ng Korte Suprema.
‘Di nagtagal, tinangka nilang pigilin ang pagsulong ng impeachment laban kay dating Ombudsman Merceditas Gutierrez. ‘Di po ba iyon pag-atake sa Lehislatura, na may natatanging kapangyarihan sa larangan ng impeachment? Idiin ko lang po—at alam kong lama n’yo ‘to—natatangi ito sa Lehislatura lamang; hindi kahati ang ehekutibo; hindi kahati ang hudikatura, dahil ito nga po ang tinatawag na checks and balances. Pansinin po natin ang Saligang Batas; hinati ang poder ng bayan sa tatlo. Ayon sa Article VI, Sec. 1: “Nakasalalay sa isang Kongreso ng Pilipinas ang kapangyarihan ng pagsagawa ng batas, na dapat binubuo ng isang Senado at isang kapulungan ng mga kinatawan.” Ayon naman sa Article VII, Sec. 1: “Ang kapangyarihan ng tagapagpaganap ay nakasalalay sa Pangulo ng Pilipinas.” Sa Article VIII, Sec. 1 naman po, “Nakasalalay ang kapangyarihang panghukuman sa isang Kataas-taasang Hukuman at sa mga nakakababang Hukuman na maaaring itatag ng batas.” Pasensya na po kung makulit, ngunit kailangan kong idiin: Hinadlangan ang lehislatura na siyang tanging may poder sa larangan ng impeachment; bago pa po masimulan ang trabaho ay pinigilan na kayo, at sinubukang bawasan ang inyong poder na ipinagkaloob ng taumbayan sa pamamagitan ng Saligang Batas, ‘di po ba? Sa kabila nito, tinanggap natin ang desisyon, at buti na nga lamang ay kusang nagbitiw sa puwesto si Ginang Gutierrez.
Tayo pa po noon ang nagmungkahi sa Kongreso, at aaminin ko po, kailangan nilang magpamalas ng hinahon at pagtitimpi. Kaya humihingi ako ng paumanhin sa lahat ng pinakiusapan ko. Nakita naman po ninyo: hindi tayo likas na palaaway. Ulitin ko lang po: hindi tayo likas na palaaway. [Applause] Simula pa lamang po, may nagsabi nang hindi magiging parehas si Ginoong Corona; siguradong magkakaroon ng kuntsabahan; malaki masyado ang kanyang utang ng loob sa nagsiksik sa kanya sa puwesto. Ngunit pinilit pa rin po nating makisama sa Korte Suprema sa ilalim ni Ginoong Corona; umasa tayong mananaig ang katarungan, kaysa sa pagkakatali niya kay Ginang Arroyo.
Pero ano po ang nangyari? Nitong ika-15 ng Nobyembre, sa kabila ng lahat ng pagsunod natin sa patakaran at proseso, ay nag-isyu ng TRO ang Korte Suprema para hayaang makaalis ng bansa si Ginang Arroyo. Tanong po natin: tinawag ba ang mga doktor para alamin ang tunay na kalagayan ng kanyang kalusugan, at kung talagang may life and death situation, bago inihain ang TRO? Makatarungan po bang nabalanse ang karapatan ng iisa, kontra sa karapatan ng nakararami at ng estado? Agad pong ibinaba ang TRO nang hindi man lamang dininig ang panig ng gobyerno. Pilit po nila itong iginigiit, bagaman hindi natupad ni Ginang Arroyo ang lahat ng mga kundisyon na ang Korte Suprema rin ang nagtakda. At nang pinilit ng spokesman niya na may bisa ang TRO kahit ‘di naabot ang kundisyon, hindi man lang siya itinama ng Punong Mahistrado. Testigo po kayong lahat diyan.
Sa ganitong lantarang pagtanggal ng piring ng katarungan, kailangan po nating tanungin ang sarili: hanggang kailan tayo magtitiis, hanggang kailan tayo uunawa, hanggang kailan tayo magpapasensya? Sobra-sobra na po ang ebidensya; aasa pa ba tayong magbabago si Ginoong Corona? Naging kumbinsido po tayo na pagdating kay Ginang Arroyo, walang tama o maling kinikilala si Ginoong Corona. Walang patutunguhan ang ating pagsisikap kung bago pa man tayo dumulog sa husgado ay kargado na pala ang timbangan. Malinaw po ang katotohanan [applause]: Si Ginoong Corona ay itinalaga sa Korte Suprema, hindi bilang alagad ng katarungan, kundi bilang alagad ni Ginang Arroyo.
Siguro nga po napakatagal na ng kanilang pinagsamahan—Bise Presidente pa lamang si Ginang Arroyo, katiwala na niya si Ginoong Corona. Para po sa kanya, mukhang sapat na ang samahang ito para paulit-ulit na isangkalan ang integridad ng Korte Suprema. Hindi po ako ang sumisira sa kanyang institusyon; sa kanyang pagtanggi na panagutin si Ginang Arroyo, inuubos ni Ginoong Corona ang dangal ng Korte Suprema.
Kahapon, kayong mga miyembro ng Kamara de Representante ay nakalikom ng sapat na lagda upang ipasa ang Articles of Impeachment laban kay Ginoong Corona. Iaakyat na po ito sa Senado, kung saan isasakdal siya alinsunod sa isang prosesong nakasaad sa ating Saligang Batas.
Ipinakita ng ating Lehislatura ang kakayahang ipagtanggol ang interes ng sambayanan nang walang paliguy-ligoy, nang may katapatan sa tungkulin, at nang may pagkilala sa pagdurusang dinaraanan ng taumbayan, na siya n’yong kinakatawan. Doon po, maraming, maraming salamat po sa inyong lahat.
Ngayon po, sa harap ng tamang tanggapan, magkakaroon ng pagkakataon si Ginoong Corona na tugunan ang mga paratang, at panagutan ang diumano’y kanyang mga kasalanan. Lilitisin po siya sa ilalim ng isang prosesong magbubunyag sa taumbayan ng buong katotohanan ukol sa kanyang pagkakanulo sa tiwala ng publiko, at sa tahasang paglabag sa Saligang Batas. Ginoong Corona: Sa Kongreso at Senado, harapin mo ang pinagmulan ng poder mo: Ang taumbayan.
Hanggang ngayon po ay bumabagabag sa isipan ko ang epekto ng mga desisyon ni Ginoong Corona sa karaniwang mamamayan. Halos tuliro na po ang ilang lungsod at munisipyo sa urong-sulong na pagdesisyon ng Korte Suprema sa kaso ng League of Cities of the Philippines. Mantakin po ninyo: mula nang ipawalang-bisa ng Korte Suprema ang pagdeklara ng labing anim na munisipyo bilang lungsod, nagawa nilang i-reverse, ang reversal, ng reversal, ng orihinal na desisyon. Kung nahilo ho kayo doon, hindi ho kayo nag-iisa. [Laughter] Hilong-hilo po, hindi lamang ang LCP at ang mga bayang kasangkot dito, kundi maging ang taumbayang naiiwang nakalutang sa kawalang katiyakan. Perwisyo ang dulot nito sa mga miyembro ng LCP, tulad ni Mayor Oca Rodriguez, na nawalan ng [dalawang daang] milyong pisong IRA, at napilitang itigil muna ang pagpapatayo ng mga silid-aralan sa San Fernando, Pampanga. Isandaan milyong piso naman ang naglaho sa pondo ng Puerto Princesa, habang limampung milyon naman ang nabawas sa IRA ng Pagadian. Sa loob ng dalawampu’t pitong buwan, habang nangyayari ang pagbalibaliktad na kaso, hindi naman makapagplano nang tama ang mga bayan at lungsod, dahil sa wala silang katiyakan kung magkano ang matatanggap nilang IRA.
Nakapagtataka rin ang pagbaliktad ng Korte Suprema sa kaso ng Flight Attendants and Stewards Association of the Philippines. Noong Hulyo ng taong 2008, nagbaba sila ng desisyong nagsasabing ilegal ang pagpapatalsik sa isanlibo at apat na raang kasapi ng FASAP. Naghain ng motion for reconsideration ang PAL noong ika-20 ng Agosto, parehong taon. Ikalawa ng Oktubre ng 2009, inilabas muli ang desisyon ng Korte Suprema, panig pa rin sa FASAP; pinal na raw ito, at, and I quote, “no further pleadings shall be entertained,” close quote. Sa kabila nito, noong ikalawa ng Enero, 2011, naghain pa rin ng motion for reconsideration ang PAL, at sa ikapito ng Setyembre ng naturang taon, nagsalita na naman ang Korte Suprema. Inulit nila: panalo ang FASAP. Ngunit pinilit pa rin ng abugado ng PAL na sulatan ang Korte Suprema. Ano po ang nangyari? Noong ika-apat ng Oktubre, binawi nila ang huling resolusyon para sa kaso, at ini-raffle muli ito. Isang liham lang pala mula sa abugado ng PAL ang kailangan para bawiin ang hatol sa kasong makailang ulit na nilang pinatawan ng desisyon. Saan po naman kaya lalagay ang mga kasapi ng FASAP sa ganitong klaseng kalakaran?
Isa pa po: Naalala naman po siguro ninyo ang aking Executive Order No. 2, na nagpapa-walang-bisa sana sa lahat ng midnight appointees ni Ginang Arroyo. Kabilang po sa mga ito si Ginang Bai Omera Lucman, na itinalaga sa National Commission on Muslim Filipinos. Nabigyan po siya ng Status Quo Ante Order ng Korte Suprema, at ngayon po ay nandoon pa siya sa NCMF—last year po nabigyan, hanggang ngayon po ay Status Quo Ante pa kami—kung saan siya nagpapakita ng ibayong husay sa pagkapit sa puwesto.
Ano po ba ang ginawa ni Ginang Lucman? Eto po ang kuwento: inalok tayo ng Saudi Arabia; labindalawang libong katao ang puwedeng ipadala ng Pilipinas sa taunang Haj pilgrimage sa Mecca. Ang sabi ni Ginang Lucman, “Huwag na po, apat na libo lang okey na kami.” Pero ang tinanggap at pinagbayad po niyang aplikante ay limanlibong katao. Apat na libo ang hininging puwesto, limanlibo ang ginawang aplikante. Maski nahihiya tayo, napilitan tayong sumulat sa Hari ng Saudi Arabia, upang humingi ng dagdag na isanlibong visa, para naman makatulong sa mga pinerwisyo ng NCMF. Kahit po medyo huli na, at salamat nga po sa Hari ng Saudi Arabia, binigyan pa tayo ng pahintulot para sa dagdag na limandaang katao. Ngunit paano naman po ang limandaang hindi nabigyan, ngunit nakabayad na?
Kamakailan lamang po, pinaulanan ng bala ang isa sa mga opisina ng NCMF. Sana naman po ay wala itong kinalaman sa palpak na pamamalakad ni Ginang Lucman. Naisip po kaya ni Ginoong Corona ang implikasyon ng kanyang mga desisyon? Mga Pilipinong ‘di makakapanampalataya nang maayos, at pati na rin po peligro sa buhay ng staff ng NCMF, ang naging bunga ng isang atas na malinaw na ginawa para manatili sa puwesto ang kapwa niyang alagad ni Ginang Arroyo.
At maaasahan po kaya natin ang lantad at patas na kilos mula kay Ginoong Corona, kung ang sarili niyang Statement of Assets, Liabilities, and Net Worth ay ‘di yata niya isinisiwalat? Nakasaad po iyan nang malinaw sa Article XI (Public Accountability), Sec. 17 ng ating Saligang Batas: ihahayag sa publiko ang SALN (Statement of Assets, Liabilities, and Net Worth) ng Pangulo, Bise Presidente, Kasapi ng Gabinete, Kongreso, Korte Suprema, ng mga Constitutional Commission, at iba pang constitutional offices, at ng mga heneral o flag rank ng Sandatahang Lakas. Taunan po natin itong inaabangan. Kailan po ba kayo huling nakakita ng SALN ng mga mahistrado ng Korte Suprema? Mayroon ho bang nakakaalala kung kailan sila huling nakakita? Pero iyong sa inyo ho nakita na naming lahat siyempre. [Laughter] Sa akin ho, una po iyon parati taunan.
Ang lahat po nito ay malinaw na paglapastangan sa kapangyarihang kaloob sa kanya ng taumbayan. Dumadaan tayo ngayon sa isang proseso upang pigilan ang patuloy na pagdurog ng iisang pariwarang mahistrado sa sagradong institusyon ng Korte Suprema: isang institusyong inaasahan ng taong maging bukal ng katuwiran at sandigan ng patas at walang-kinikilingang katarungan. Hindi po tayo magpapamana sa susunod na salinlahi ng isang Korte Supremang pugad ng katiwalian.
Ako po’y nagagalak na bagama’t may makinaryang pilit inilalayo ang usapin sa tunay na isyu, nagkakalat ng duda, at sinusubok na tayo’y pag-away-awayin, matibay pa rin at lalo pang lumalakas ang suporta sa atin ng taumbayan. [Applause] Patuloy po sana nating tutukan ang mga kaganapan; makilahok tayo sa mga usapan; at kumapit po tayo sa makatarungan.
Kinabukasan po ang ating hinuhubog sa ngayon. May responsibilidad tayo sa ating mga sarili, sa ating kapwa Pilipino, at lalo na sa salinlahing paparating pa lamang. Isa lang ang pinagpipilian natin: tanggapin ang kasalukuyang situwasyon na hindi tumutugon sa kagustuhan at pangangailangan ng nakararami—o itulak ang pagbabago, at bumuo ng sistema kung saan mananagot ang may kasalanan, maski sino ka man!
Kapit tuko pa rin po ang mga nakinabang sa pagyurak sa sambayanan. Huwag po natin hayaang imaneobra ang katarungan para gawing itim ang puti, o gawing tama ang mali. Hindi po natin ginustong humantong sa ganitong pagkakataong malamang magiging masalimuot, pero hindi rin po natin matitiis ang patuloy na pagdurusa ng taumbayan. Hindi natin kayang maging taksil sa sinumpaang panata.
Pagkatapos po ng mga prosesong ito, sinisiguro ko: May naitindig na tayong mas matibay na mga institusyong kay tagal pinahina ng nakaraang administrasyon. Ito po ang ating ipapamana sa susunod na salinlahi. Nananalig akong tayo’y magtatagumay dahil tayo’y nasa tama, at hangad natin ang ikabubuti ng nakararami kung hindi ng lahat. Sa lahat ng Pilipinong naghahangad ng malawakan at makabuluhang pagbabago, abot kamay na po natin ito; nakikita ko na ang tagumpay kung bawat isa sa atin ay gagawin ang nararapat at makatuwiran. Hayaan po nating kunsensya ang magtimon sa atin.
Maraming, maraming salamat po sa inyong lahat.
English translation
Back when our countrymen urged me to run for the Presidency, I already knew I would be inheriting many problems. I also knew that along with accepting their challenge came the responsibility to solve those problems.
One of the things we promised to our people was a justice system wherein every crime had a corresponding penalty. From the very beginning, the nation expected me to stand at the forefront of holding Mrs. Arroyo accountable for the corruption that allegedly ran rampant and grew endemic under her administration.
With honor and due respect for processes, we strived to establish this system through the formation of the Truth Commission. But our very first step was obstructed by the Supreme Court under Chief Justice Renato Corona. And though we could not agree with it, we sought to adhere to their decision—out of respect for the institution of the Supreme Court.
Soon after that, they tried to block the impeachment case against former Ombudsman Merceditas Gutierrez. Do the Supreme Court’s actions not strike us as an attack on our Legislative Branch, which has impeachment among its particular, expressed powers? Let me emphasize this point: only the Legislative Branch holds the power to impeach—the Executive Branch cannot take part in this, and neither can the Judiciary. This is a fundamental element of our government’s system of checks and balances.
Let us revisit the Constitution, which divided the government’s authority into three. According to Article VI, Sec. 1: “The legislative power shall be vested in the Congress of the Philippines which shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives, except to the extent reserved to the people by the provision on initiative and referendum.” According to Article VII, Sec. 1: “The executive power shall be vested in the President of the Philippines.” And according to Article VIII, Sec. 1: “The judicial power shall be vested in one Supreme Court and in such lower courts as may be established by law.”
I apologize for repeating myself, but the point, again, needs to be reiterated: The Legislative was hindered from performing the duties involving their power to impeach—a power particular to this branch. Before they could even set out to work, they were stymied, an erosion of their express authority. But, again, despite this, we accepted the decision—and, fortunately, Mrs. Gutierrez voluntarily stepped down from her position.
We had even advised Congress then to muster great calm and temperance. As you can see, we have never been the antagonistic sort. From the very start, many have commented on Mr. Corona’s partiality: he would definitely be in cahoots with, and his debt of gratitude was too great to, the person who thrust him into position. But we endeavored to get along with the Supreme Court under Mr. Corona; we looked forward to—we hoped for—true justice to prevail over his allegiance to Mrs. Arroyo.
But what happened? On the 15th of November, despite our meticulous adherence to the law and to due process, the Supreme Court issued a TRO to enable Mrs. Arroyo to leave the country. We ask: were any doctors summoned to determine her actual condition and its risks to her physical health, to gauge if her ailment was a life-and-death situation as had been claimed, before the SC issued the TRO? Were the rights of one justly balanced against the rights of many and of the state? The TRO was approved with great haste, and without even hearing the side of the government. The Supreme Court insisted on it, despite the fact that Mrs. Arroyo had not complied with the conditions that they themselves set. And when the Chief Justice’s spokesperson insisted that the TRO stood despite this failure, Mr. Corona did not exert the slightest effort to correct him.
As Justice’s blindfold is so brazenly stripped off, we need to ask ourselves: how long must we bear it, how long must we stand tolerant, how much longer can we be patient? In the face of such overwhelming evidence, how might we remain hopeful that Mr. Corona can change? We have become convinced that when it comes to Mrs. Arroyo, Mr. Corona has lost the ability to distinguish between right and wrong. Our efforts would be an exercise in futility when, even before we reach the courts, the scales have already been tipped against us. The truth could not be clearer: Mr. Corona was appointed to the Supreme Court, not as an instrument of justice, but as a disciple of Mrs. Arroyo.
Indeed, they have enjoyed a lengthy association—as back when Mrs. Arroyo was still Vice President, Mr. Corona was already a trusted member of her staff. Their personal and professional history appears to be sufficient motivation for Mr. Corona to repeatedly tarnish the integrity of the Supreme Court. Let me tell you now that I am not the one destroying his institution: by his refusal to hold Mrs. Arroyo accountable, Mr. Corona is leeching the Supreme Court of its honor.
Yesterday, you, the members of the House of Representatives, collected enough signatures to pass the Articles of Impeachment against Mr. Corona. These have been transmitted to the Senate, where he will be tried according to the processes provided for in our Constitution.
The Legislative Branch has demonstrated its capacity to uphold the interests of the Filipino people without vacillation, with a dedication to their sworn duty, and with recognition of the suffering endured by our countrymen, whom you represent.
Now, in the correct venue, Mr. Corona will be given the chance to answer the charges against him and to account for his purported crimes. He will be tried according to a process that will reveal to the country the complete and untarnished truth regarding his betrayal of public trust, and his culpable violations of the Constitution. Mr. Corona: before the House and in the Senate, you must face those from whom you to derive your authority: the Filipino people.
To this very day, the effects of Mr. Corona’s decisions on the ordinary Filipino plague my thoughts. Confusion reigns in the cities and municipalities affected by the indecision of the Supreme Court in the case of the League of Cities of the Philippines. Take note: from the time the Supreme Court decided to nullify the declaration of 16 municipalities as cities, they changed their decision countless times, reversing the reversal of the reversal of the original decision. Not only the LCP and their member-cities were rendered light-headed by this constant to-and-fro, but ordinary Filipinos were left hanging by this uncertainty. This has vexed the members of the LCP, like Mayor Oca Rodriguez, who lost 27 million pesos from his IRA, and was subsequently forced to halt the construction of classrooms in San Fernando, Pampanga. One hundred million pesos was also removed from the funds of Puerto Princesa, while 50 million pesos was deducted from the IRA of Pagadian. In the span of 27 months, while the Supreme Court went back and forth on their decisions, affected municipalities and cities were unable to plan programs and projects that would benefit their constituents, all because they were unsure of how much they would receive for their IRA.
Similarly, one cannot help question the turnaround of the Supreme Court in the case of the Flight Attendants and Stewards Association of the Philippines (FASAP). In July of 2008, the Supreme Court ruled that the firing of 1,400 members of FASAP was illegal. Consequently, PAL filed a motion for reconsideration on August 20, 2008. More than a year later, on October 2, 2009, the Supreme Court once again released a decision favoring FASAP; this was supposedly final, and “no further pleadings shall be entertained.” Despite this, on January 2, 2011, PAL filed yet again another motion for reconsideration, and on September 7 of that same year, the Supreme Court repeated: FASAP had won. And yet a PAL lawyer persisted in writing a letter to the Supreme Court. What happened next? On October 4, they revoked their final resolution on the case and raffled it off once again. Imagine: it took a mere letter from the lawyer of PAL for the Supreme Court to withdraw their decision on a case they had so many times already decided upon. I ask you: where will the members of FASAP end up with this kind of a system in place?
Some of you may also recall my Executive Order No. 2, which was supposed to have nullified all of Mrs. Arroyo’s midnight appointees, among them Mrs. Bai Omera Lucman, who was appointed to the National Commission on Muslim Filipinos. She was given a Status Quo Ante Order by the Supreme Court, and, until now, she remains in the NCMF, where she continues to display her exceptional talent for clinging to her position.
Now, what has Mrs. Lucman achieved in office? Here’s an example: Saudi Arabia offered us 12,000 slots for the yearly pilgrimage to Mecca. To that, Mrs. Lucman responded with: “No, thank you, we’re fine with 4,000”—and after which, she proceeded to accept and take fees from 5,000 applicants. So what happened next? I had to write a letter to the King of Saudi Arabia, embarrassing as it was, to request for an additional thousand visas, just so we could help our people who were unnecessarily troubled by the NCMF. And even if our request was a bit late, out of the kindness of Saudi Arabia’s King, they permitted 500 more people to do the pilgrimage. But what of the 500 others who weren’t given permission, but had already made payments to the NCMF?
Just recently, unidentified assailants strafed an NCMF office with bullets. I hope that this had nothing to do with Mrs. Lucman’s failure to competently run her office. I am wondering if Mr. Corona considered the implications of his decisions. Here we have Filipinos who are unable to practice their religion as they wish; here we have the lives of NCMF staff put in grave danger—all because of a decision made to keep a fellow Arroyo lackey in a position of influence.
Also, can we really expect fair and forthright action from Mr. Corona—a man who prefers not to disclose his own Statement of Assets, Liabilities, and Net Worth? This is clearly required in Article XI, Sec. 17 of the Constitution: “A public officer or employee shall, upon assumption of office and as often thereafter as may be required by law, submit a declaration under oath of his assets, liabilities, and net worth. In the case of the President, the Vice President, the Members of the Cabinet, the Congress, the Supreme Court, the Constitutional Commissions and other constitutional offices, and officers of the armed forces with general or flag rank, the declaration shall be disclosed to the public in the manner provided by law.” This is something we expect every year. When was the last time you saw a SALN from a Supreme Court magistrate? Really—can anyone remember the last time they saw a SALN? But we have seen all of yours, haven’t we. I have always made it a point to make mine publicly available at the earliest possible time every year.
All this is a clear and blatant abuse of the power granted to him by the people. We are now going through a process to put to a halt a single magistrate’s continued discrediting of the sacred institution that is the Supreme Court: an institution that the people count on to be a fount of fairness and the bedrock of impartiality and justice. We refuse to bequeath to the coming generations a Supreme Court that would be a den of corruption.
It is heartening for me to see that though there may be some quarters that want to divert public discourse from the real issues, that want to cast doubt in the minds of our people, and that would prefer to have us fight among ourselves, the support we are receiving from our people remains stronger than ever—and is even growing. I call on all of you to pay attention to the process as it unfolds. Let us be involved in the discussions, and cling to what is just.
Today we mold tomorrow. This is a responsibility we have to ourselves, to our fellow Filipinos, and, most of all, those to whom we will bequeath this country. We only have one choice to make. We can choose to accept the current situation, which cannot meet the needs and aspirations of the majority our people. Or we can choose to push for change, and create a system in which everyone is made accountable, whoever they may be.
Those that benefited from the crooked system of the past are trying desperately to maintain the status quo. Let us not allow them steer justice toward their own ends—to make what is black, white, and to make what is wrong, right. We never wished for things to reach this point, but we can no longer overlook the suffering of our countrymen. We cannot turn our backs on our sworn oaths.
When this process is over with, I assure all of you: we will have given rise to stronger institutions—the same ones eroded by the previous administration. This is what we will bequeath to our children. I firmly believe that we will prevail—because we are doing what is right, and because we have the best interests of the Filipino people in mind. So to all Filipinos who desire a more wide-ranging, more meaningful change, I am telling you now: it is within our grasp. I can already see our shared triumph on the horizon, so long as we hold strong and commit ourselves to doing what is right and just. Let us allow our conscience to steer our actions.
Thank you very much.